The Dwart and the Abondoned Train Station

The fact that a frame of Middle Eastern countries were colonies of European nations had an effect on those regions and excessively on how the West perceived Islam.

Lewis gives particular attention to the sparing historian, noning that he or she depends more than other historians on documental evidence. All historians of Islam face a problem in that thither is a lack of such evidence, and Lewis says Islamic history plunder be divided into three phases according to the "availability and tonus of documentary sources" (87). This might make a occidentaler gestate that history is less important in Islam, but this is not the case, and Lewis shows how important history is for Muslims. Indeed, history has a divine element, because the " accusation of Muhammad and the promulgation of the Qur'an atomic compute 18 events in history" (103) and are taught in terms of historical memory and account book. However, the full historical record has been difficult to value, for while there are many texts, to the highest degree have been available only in manuscript and are scattered in many libraries: "Very few were printed, and the lower-ranking production of published texts was for long due largely to the efforts of Western scholars" (101). Western scholars examining their own history look to a w

Samir al-Khalil addresses the difficult issues involved in the governmental life of modern Iraq in his book republic of Fear, and the style al oneness gives a sense of the analysis he offers. He covers the period in the history of Iraq since the coup in 1968 that brought the Arab Ba'th collectivized Party to power, the policy-making party dominated by ibn Talal ibn Talal Hussein Hussein. The former says that he is writing about a inelegant that has become a "chamber of horrors" (ix) and that he is trying to assess the reasons why this is so. In particular, the war Iraq waged against Iran is the reason why the author has decided to write this book, trying to explain such events in terms of a political character that has developed since the coup.

He has in like manner been angered by the actions of Iraq after a ceasefire when Iraki warplanes attacked Kurdish villages with chemical weapons. He details a number of other horror stories, finding these as only one manifestation of the violence of the regime that has been in power for a quarter of a century. More than this, he finds that violence in this society has become pervasive and implicates "hundreds of thousands of perfectly ordinary mickle" (xiii). The author rightly points out that the use of violence for political ends has a long history, but he finds that Saddam Hussein and others have made this into a state policy that is deadly to the humanity of the people and corrupting of the state.

The author discusses Mohammed's career in Medina and the political power he gathered to himself during this time. Certain pre-Islamic practices were retained, and the ideas of the Umma were compound into the structure of tribalism that already existed. The Umma had a political aspect, but it also had a religious meaning as a theocracy.

This bod "of great achievement and steep decline" (3), says Nutting, has marked the Arab knowledge base since the rise of Islam.

The first great personality to shape the Arab reality was thus the founder of Islam, Moha
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